Comments

Thanks Graham, I found your analysis of the matrix structure of public governance really useful. However i completely disagree with your claim that "...if we want to hit the three interpretations of “strategicness” noted above, we should follow the red arrow upwards and leftwards". This conflates strategy with hierarchy which I think is damaging to development effectiveness. If I could reframe the argument in terms of top-down and bottom up change. Both can be strategic or tactical. Either type of change can be attempted in both cells 1 and 13. In fact in the article you say that “The dominant pattern of norms and values found in Cell 1 below will affect what happens in all cells.” But cell one will not change by decree it requires effort applied in that cell. Over focus on moving up the hierarchy means larger more complex programs, longer timeframes more entrenched and powerful stakeholders resulting in high cost and low sustainability. The result can be isomorphic mimicry, https://devpolicy.org/isomorphic-mimicry20110810/, where governments adopt the form of reform without the function because it is mandated from above. The development industries preference for moving in the direction of the arrow is driven by having identified counterparts, the prestige of strategic conversations, and a well-defined point of accountability. It is a problem masquerading as a theory of change. In my view bottom up change working at the level at which services actually reach people, which often means in remote locations, will produce change that is real, sustainable and actually measurable. This does not mean “top down” is never the right approach it just isn’t the only approach.

Thanks Graham. And one might add that understanding and hopefully engaging with the 'rules of the game' takes time (years), and a willingness to engage at the political level. More often this is beyond the three to four year governance program timeframes, or the one to three year rotations of advisers through these programs, and of officials posted to development agencies. It also highlights the need to bring on board longer term local advisers who are better equipped to engage with and make use of these informal rules and incentives.

An excellent article thankfully brought back to the surface by Mecky Jann. Justine has flagged frequently hidden but important “family” issues by no means limited to Mulitaka haus mahn/haus lain in Enga province. The same issues arise paying out plantation wages in Western Highlands Province or mining royalties in Western Province. A ripple effect of the same gender, status and authority issues occurs everywhere every day. What I see is a clash of culture and norms. The Western notion of family may bear little resemblance to the norms of folks in other places. Traditionally men and women in PNG represented distinct sub-cultures (men's and women’s business) with separate roles and authority in community the group. They still do. Within gender roles some areas of authority remain exclusively under the leadership of women. Women always were and still are the traditional care givers, early childhood educators, food producers and the societal glue that works under the radar to defuse disputes and maintain social harmony. By contrast men are orators, keepers of tribal lore, political negotiators and when necessary, the fighters. It follows that on this basis political leadership, policy development and administration for the ministries of health, education, food security and social development should at all levels be led by women. But the foreign system of representation bequeathed at independence to oversee the distribution and management of nation building assets gifted what is essentially an exclusive boys club to oversee this: the national parliament with carriage of policy and service delivery to provincial, local level and ward level. Where in all of this is the women’s equivalent structure to cater for their needs, their children, their gender roles? Attributing equivalence to men and women within a western parliamentary model has simply not worked and given customary law it never will. When I read articles of the type presented eloquently by Justine, I am compelled to reflect on how inappropriate cultural norms imposed no doubt with the best of intentions, through culturally oversight removed the authority of women in the new normal. And we see the price paid for this every day.

Very interesting and well researched article, thanks! Maybe another factor: in other French overseas territories (Martinique, Réunion, Guadeloupe), migration to the Metropole was encouraged in the 60s-70s. This created a large diaspora that makes subsequent migration easier, which the Kanaks lack. See the Wikipedia article here: https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bureau_pour_le_d%C3%A9veloppement_des_migrations_int%C3%A9ressant_les_d%C3%A9partements_d%27outre-mer

I’m one of the landslip survivors. I want to know more about Care International.

A very excellent Blog clearly written Ms. Geejay P. Milli.

Is it delaying of a court order we must be honest in speaking out true in all nations expectedly to papau new guinea or people of Papua LNG project .

Outstanding. Well presented

Please I want to be in the team for the research

I am really interested

The prepostion for further kina devaluation talks started back in 2016 or even before that, by IMF. Why hasn't the BPNG devalue kina a decade ago than today? Devalution as a government policy should work well in an export based economy and not import based. Besides kina value is already weak, why further weaken it?

Thank you Anouk for sharing this very deep and smart insight